Nakamura Toshiyuki, director of the Citizen Alliance to Protect the Imperial Line, began studying history on his own after a long career as a corporate employee. This year, he won the Grand Prize (Fuji Seiji Prize) in the 17th Annual “True Interpretations of Modern History” Essay Contest. Motoya Toshio spoke with Nakamura about his prize-winning essay and the alliance’s many activities, including Chairperson Katsuragi Nami’s trip to Geneva.

 

(M) Thank you for joining me on Big Talk today, and congratulations on winning the Grand Prize (Fuji Seiji Prize) in the 17th Annual “True Interpretations of Modern History” Essay Contest.

(N) Thank you very much.

(M) Can you start by introducing yourself, please?

(N) I was born in 1947 in Yokkaichi, Mie Prefecture, a city that’s well known for oil refining today. The area was previously home to the No. 2 Naval Fuel Plant, opened in 1941 to refine fuel used by the Imperial Japanese Navy’s warships and aircraft. My father worked in the plant’s aviation fuel research division. The fuel plant was the target of repeated, intensive bombing by American military planes from around March 1945, near the end of the war. My mother often said that, when air-raid alarms sounded, my father made the family go to bomb shelters before returning to the plant to help protect its experimental facilities. Each time, my mother realized it was possible that she’d ever see him again. The air raid of June 18 was particularly severe. Records say that roughly 35% of Yokkaichi was destroyed by fire, and the fuel plant was decimated. I didn’t experience any of this, since I was born after the war, but as a child I saw the remains of the destroyed oil refining equipment, large bomb craters, and machine-gun marks. Although I was young, I started wondering what actually happened during the Great East Asia War, a topic that became my life’s work.

(M) Was your career related to history?

(N) No, I studied mechanical engineering in university and got a job at Daido Steel, a company that manufactures special steel, and worked there until I reached retirement age. I did continue learning about modern history, mainly the Great East Asia War. My 40-year career ended when I retired in March 2011, and I began studying more earnestly, including the many books I had purchased since I was young. A friend told me about the “True Interpretations of Modern History” Essay Contest when I was thinking about how to organize my results. I submitted an essay to the fifth annual contest in 2012 and won the Prize for Excellence in the Adult Division. Kobayashi Hideo once wrote, “Writing is a means of thinking.” I’ve experienced how writing leads to new discoveries and helps enhance your thinking. I decided to write something once a year to further deepen my speculations and the knowledge I gained from reading, and I’ve entered these in the essay contest ever since.

(M) You’ve won two Prizes for Excellence, four Honorable Mentions, and one Grand Prize (Fuji Seiji Prize). Your historical research started in Yokkaichi, which must have suffered terrible damage.

(N) Yes, and that naturally made me curious about the Great East Asia War.

(M) Have you answered these questions?

(N) I attempted to outline my thoughts in my essay that won the Prize for Excellence in the fifth annual contest. It was titled, “The 150-year War Between Japan and the U.S., and a Signpost for Japan’s Restoration.” My conclusion is that the Great East Asia War was merely once stage of the 150-year-long war between the U.S. and Japan, going back to Commodore Matthew Perry’s arrival. The Instrument of Surrender was signed on the USS Missouri on September 2, 1945, underneath the 31-star flag flown on the USS Susquehanna, the ship that brought Perry to Japan in 1853.

(M) America had 31 states at that time.

(N) Yes. The New York Times said there were no more obstacles left in the Pacific Ocean – the U.S. had achieved its dearest wish since the time of Perry.

(M) Japan and the U.S. are neighbors separated by the Pacific Ocean. The U.S. has wanted to possess Japan since Perry’s voyage, and it fulfilled this desire 92 years later in 1945. This is proven by the fact that America devised a plan to battle Japan after our victories against China and Russia, during the period after the Meiji Restoration.

(N) The U.S. had just 13 states when it declared independence in 1776, all of them on the East Coast touching the Atlantic Ocean. It became a nation with a large territory and many resources. There was no need for it to expand, but America kept moving westward based on its passionate, religious belief that global domination was its Manifest Destiny. After the U.S. won the Mexican-American War in 1848, Mexico ceded California and other parts of the Western region, bringing the U.S. to the Pacific coast. Its next targets were the Pacific Ocean and Asia. Perry arrived in Japan just five years later. Alfred Thayer Mahan, president of the U.S. Naval War College, wrote The Influence of Sea Power upon History. As described in this book, the U.S. blew up the USS Maine, its decrepit ship, as part of a plan to seize the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean from Spain. When it won this Spanish-American War in 1898, the U.S. stole the Philippines and Guam, and then annexed Hawaii. After that, I think the U.S. set its sights on Japan, the only obstacle to American supremacy in the Pacific. It drafted War Plan Orange, a plan for war with Japan, in 1897, seven years before the Russo-Japanese War broke out. The plan was revised several times afterwards, and I believe the Pacific War was an extension of it.

(M) You’re saying that the Great East Asia War didn’t start with the 1931 Mukden Incident – the U.S. had been preparing ever since Perry’s voyage.

(N) That’s right. Some Showa historians like to say the war lasted 15 years from the Mukden Incident until Japan’s surrender, but I find that view much too shortsighted. All of them have the same weak point: they focus solely on the Japanese side’s war history, without considering the intentions of its enemies. After World War I, the U.S. became one of five major powers along with the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Japan. Japan’s national power and presence grew even more during that period. To contain Japan, the U.S. held the Washington Naval Conference in 1921. Its animosity was revealed with the Immigration Act of 1924 that excluded Japanese. After the Mukden Incident and Second Sino-Japanese War, the U.S. put a weapons embargo on Japan to crush the life out of it, then froze the assets of Japanese residents. It instituted a full embargo on oil to Japan, carried out the “ABCD line” series of embargoes, and presented Japan with the Hull Note, forcing Japan to open hostilities. After the war, the U.S. wanted to destroy the Japanese polity and strike at the hearts of its citizens to ensure it could never again threaten America. The intellectual foundation of the Japanese people was crushed, and a masochistic perspective of history was promoted, through the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers’ (GHQ) occupation policy, particularly the War Guilt Information Program. When Japan achieved an astounding economic comeback, the U.S. continued its efforts to destroy Japan’s economic foundation and steal its wealth, including the Japan-U.S. trade friction of the 1960s, Plaza Accord, Structural Impediments Initiative, U.S.-Japan Framework for a New Economic Partnership, and Annual Reform Recommendations from the Government of the United States. Japan and the U.S. are still engaged in a war today, and Japan has been defeated over and over.

 

(M) Most people aren’t aware of these things, but I think you speak the truth. Of course, there is no need for Japan to deliberately ruin its relationship with the U.S., our ally in the security field. But Japan should pay constant attention to this relationship to make sure it will not have to submit any more or become a vassal state.

(N) That’s right. In particular, I’d like to point out that Japan should not simply be pro-America, and conservatives should not depend too much on the U.S. America has lots of good qualities, and we can learn a great deal from it. I’m envious of its ability to purify and restore itself, and to turn out people like Donald Trump. The important thing is to be fully aware of America’s negative aspects as we interact with each other.

(M) The essential thing is a balance of power, not simply a “good” relationship. I think peace can be maintained through a balanced relationship in which neither party rules each other, and no one is dominated. I felt like your writing evolved a great deal from your fifth essay about the Great East Asia War to this year’s prize-winning work.

(N) This year, I entered the contest with “The Final War: Liberalism/Globalism vs. Conservatism/Nationalism: Japan and the World are Standing at the Crossroads That Will Determine Victory.” I expanded my viewpoint to global topics, including the Russia/Ukraine war, rise of conservate powers in Europe, and American presidential election. I pointed out issues with liberalism and globalism, described reasons why we need to bring back conservatism and nationalism, and proposed ideas for Japan’s future. Japan is still unable to break free from the brainwashing of the GHQ’s occupation policies, which is why nothing has changed here. In contrast, in Europe there is a backlash to the failures of liberalism and globalism, resulting in a resurgence of conservative sentiments. I wrote that Japan should take the opportunity presented by a second Trump presidency and work to revive its distinctive, conservative ideologies.

(M) I thought your analysis of today’s international situation was very cool-headed. The judges were unanimous in their decision to award you the Grand Prize.

(N) I am grateful for this chance to share what I have learned and receive a prize for it – I had absolutely no experience with this sort of thing during my corporate career. I also want to thank you for starting the contest.

(M) My continual goal is to promote correct history in society and to share the truth, which will encourage more people to become conservatives. Your essay was a perfect fit with these objectives.

(N) Thank you.

 

(M) You are also a director of the Citizen Alliance to Protect the Imperial Line. I feel that we should cherish and protect the Imperial lineage that has lasted for more than 2,600 years, something no other country can say. Is that your feeling, as well?

(N) Yes, exactly. I strongly believed that our single-family Imperial line is the last defense protecting Japan’s identity, but originally I wasn’t that concerned about the male succession that is the fundamental premise of this lineage. The Imperial House Law advisory committee submitted a report in November 2005, during the Koizumi Junichiro administration, suggesting that matrilineal female members be added to the line of succession and the oldest child be given priority, no matter their gender. Koizumi declared that the Imperial House Law would be revised during his policy speech the following January. That’s when I began feeling a powerful sense of danger. It was a truly close call – the draft bill presentation was put off after the February announcement that Kiko, Crown Princess Akishino, was pregnant. During the Democratic Party of Japan government led by Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko in 2011, I was frightened when he began displaying an abnormal attachment to the idea of establishing female Imperial branches, which would lead to a female Empress. To protect Japan’s single-family lineage, I realized we needed a civilian movement to support and collaborate with conservative politicians who are dedicated to maintaining and defending the Imperial line. We brought together like-minded persons and paid a visit on Member of the House of Councillors Yamada Hiroshi, chief secretary of the Conference to Japan’s Dignity and National Interest. One of its objectives is maintaining male succession. We originally intended for a well-known conservative commentator to serve as our chairperson, but Yamada said people wouldn’t take us as seriously with an elderly leader. He urged us to appoint a female chair. We visited Kase Hideaki, who has since passed away, and shared with him Yamada’s recommendation. Kase suggested Katsuragi Nami, chairperson of the Association for Working With Defense Soldiers.

(M) Kase served as the essay contest’s head judge from 2017 to 2022.

(N) Yes, I know. Following Kase’s recommendation, we asked Katsuragi to become our chairperson. She was hesitant to take on such a serious responsibility at first, but she ended up consenting. The Citizen Alliance to Protect the Imperial Line was officially established on October 22, 2019, the auspicious day when His Majesty the Emperor was enthroned. Katsuragi is held in high esteem and has an extensive personal network. Many people have joined, including Sanami Yuko and saya, and we are expanding our activities with a sense of friendly unity centered around our chairperson.

(M) They are all extremely dependable and accomplished people. Katsuragi won the 4th Annual APA Japan Restoration Grand Prize, and Sanami won the Grand Prize (Fuji Seiji Prize) in the 3rd Annual True Interpretations of Modern History Essay Contest. saya is also involved with the Shoheijuku academy. Katsuragi represented your citizen alliance at the United Nations’ Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women session held in Geneva, Switzerland this October. The Sankei Shimbun and other media outlets reported that Katsuragi spoke about the importance of safeguarding the Imperial lineage, in response to advice that Japan should revise its Imperial House Act because it violates the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.

(N) Thanks to a great deal of financial support, we sent eight people to Geneva, including Katsuragi, Sanami, saya, and staff members.

(M) I would assume the UN meets in New York, not Geneva.

(N) General Assemblies and security meetings are held at its headquarters in New York, but some sessions on human rights and other issues take place in Geneva, where it used to be based.

(M) I see.

(N) Some Japanese non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have anti-Japanese sentiments, and they are part of the background to these issues. NGOs persistently submitted written opinions, stating that the male succession is sexist, to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 2016, 2020, and 2024. For this first time in eight years, Japan was one of the subjects at the 2024 committee session – it was put off for two years due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Therefore, these NGOs have been working with great enthusiasm to promote their beliefs that male succession is a type of discrimination against women, and that Princess Aiko should become Empress. We dispatched eight members to Geneva to oppose these NGOs. On October 14, Japanese NGOs were allotted 14 minutes to speak, roughly one to two minutes per organization. However, there were 30 NGOs in attendance. The 26 left-wing NGOs took up 12 minutes, leaving just two minutes for conservative NGOs to speak. In the end, Katsuragi was only allowed to talk for 35 seconds.

(M) That’s so short!

(N) To ensure her speech would be effective, she passed out copies of a pamphlet in advance. It contained an English translation of a text titled, “Japanese Imperial Succession: The Nation’s Foundational Principles and Hakko Ichiu.” (“Hakko Ichiu” is a slogan expressing the Emperor’s right to unify the country.) This pamphlet helped members from other countries get a good understanding of the true nature of Japan’s Emperor and Imperial line. To create a striking picture, the three women wore kimono – which is rather like a female battle uniform – and actively approached committee members during intervals in the session. They showed the members that genuine “Yamato Nadeshiko” still exist – authentically Japanese women who do not agree with the anti-Japanese NGOs. A member from Lebanon said, “I respect His Majesty the Emperor, and I envy your royal family. We haven’t even had a president for two years due to political conflict, creating a political vacuum.” A Cuban member said, “The committee gives recommendations to nations, but each has their own history and traditions. They are free to adopt or reject them as they like.” It was a meaningful trip, and we fully realized the importance of lobbying for our beliefs.

(M) In Abiru Rui’s column published in the October 24 issue of The Sankei Shimbun, Katsuragi stated, “The Emperor of Japan is a monarch with a religious purpose. The UN does not accuse others of sexism, although the Pope, Muslim clergymen, and Tibetan Dalai Lama are all male. Why are they so focused on Japan? We should honor ethnic groups and faiths across the world, without interfering in their domestic affairs.”

(N) The Japanese government sent a delegation of 37 people to Geneva. They held a review board meeting on October 17 to reply to recommendations from committee members. A Cabinet Office official spoke on behalf of the government, saying, “The Imperial line is based on history and culture. It is the foundation of our nation. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women is aimed at banishing discrimination towards women. Therefore, this is not a suitable topic to be discussed at the Geneva committee.” In a Sankei Shimbun article, Abiru praised these unified government/private-sector efforts: “Katsushika said the government and people collaborated in a positive way. It seems that Japan has effectively conveyed its views on history, culture, and tradition since the Abe Shinzo administration.” I do think it was worth traveling all the way to Switzerland.

 

(M) I agree with Katsushika and the Cabinet Office official. Japan will have to abide by these NGOs unless it fully states its views at places like the UN session. I think your citizen alliance is doing great things, and I hope you will keep it up. At the end of the interview, I always ask for a “word for the youth.”

(N) Many of the citizen alliance’s female members are young, but most of our male members are of advanced ages. One challenge we face is how to pass on these activities to younger people. Recently we have had some conservative university and high school clubs getting involved with the encouragement of their teachers. Although they were educated according to the postwar Japan Teachers’ Union, it seems that more students are waking up and questioning what is true. They make me feel a lot of hope. My wish is for young people to read the Kojiji, Nihon Shoki, Manyoshu, and other works of classical literature to get a good understanding of Japan’s character. I’m thrilled to see many Kojiki study meetings across the country today.

(M) Learning about history is so important. I think few other countries have long histories like Japan.

(N) The pamphlet we passed out in Geneva states that Japan’s history goes back more than 2,600 years. Some committee members were surprised to learn that our nation existed before the Common Era. We must promote this to people from other countries. Japanese citizens should also study these things to gain a stronger sense of pride.

(M) I agree entirely. It’s so important that our Imperial line has lasted so long.

(N) Yes, China says it has a 4,000-year-old history, but it isn’t an unbroken one. There were many revolutions and dynastic changes.

(M) I think Japan was able to maintain its long Imperial lineage because it is such a wonderful country. We must teach students about this along with our history, so it can be shared among the people. Everywhere across the world, citizens are taught that their nations are good ones. Japan is the only country that describes itself as “bad.” If that were true, I’m sure the Imperial line would have been broken long ago.

(N) The anti-Japanese left wing calls for a female Empress because they want to interrupt the Imperial line and destroy the country. Three hundred members of anti-Japanese NGOs descended on Geneva, and some even have local offices there. They have a great deal of money, too.

(M) Is it like labor unions, which collect dues from their members?

(N) I suspect they might also receive some public funding, although I need to do more research about this. At the Japanese government review board on October 17, the director of the Cabinet Office’s Gender Equality Bureau said Japan allocates 1.6 trillion yen annually for this purpose. We need to investigate where this money is going. We can’t allow public funds to be used for demeaning Japan at the UN.

(M) I hope you will find out more.

(N) Yes, we need to clarify this issue. Before we end the interview, I’d like to share one more piece of information for young people. It is said that Matsuo Basho was awakened to the philosophy of “Fueki Ryuko” (consistency and change) during the journey described in his Oku no Hosomichi (“The Narrow Road to the Interior”). He wrote, “Without knowledge of what is consistent, one cannot build a foundation. Lacking knowledge of that which changes, one cannot accomplish new progress. Both have the same principles.” I think the world of intellectual history is simultaneously founded on two elements: fueki, things that must not be changed, and ryuko, the pursuit of newness. It seems like most Japanese politicians and intellectuals who call themselves conservatives have lost sight of this ideology’s true essence. However, it is plainly expressed by Fueki Ryuko. Truth still lives in the conventions and traditions cultivated by each ethnic group over numerous generations. These things have been passed down because they supported human activities and brought richness to their lives. If they were not true, these traditions would likely have been weeded out, destroyed, or vanished over time. It is wrong to believe that human society always progresses as time goes on, and that new ways of thinking and systems are necessarily superior. These new things have not been culled through the process of history. Things that are true, and things that are exemplary, are those possessing long histories. Still, we will stagnate and decline if we merely cling to the history and traditions of the past – we must constantly strive to create new things. I hope young people will fully recognize this as they take on the task of accomplishing new things, without being led astray by new ideologies and movements. Emperor Meiji wrote a poem in which he said, “With a spirit of honoring our country’s ancient traditions, let us determine the things of the new era.” I believe that is the true spirit we need on the conservative side.

(M) Thank you for sharing such an interesting conversation with me today.

(N) Thank you.

 

BIOGRAPHY
Nakamura Toshiyuki

Born in Yokkaichi, Mie Prefecture in 1947. While growing up, he saw the remains of the Yokkaichi No. 2 Naval Fuel Plant, which was destroyed in heavy bombing by U.S. military aircraft. This led to his life’s work of investigating the Great East Asia War. Graduated from Meiji University’s Faculty of Engineering and began working at Daido Steel Co., Ltd., a private-sector company. After retiring, he started full-scale efforts to read about history, ideologies, and literature, with a focus on modern history. Believing that the Imperial lineage is the only way to defend Japan and regain its identity, he helped found the Citizen Alliance to Protect the Imperial Line and currently serves as its director.